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The Trial of
Christoph von Graffenried & John Lawson
(Pen drawing of captivity of Baron
Christoph von Graffenried and Surveyor General John Lawson
by Franz Louis Michel, used with courtesy of Burgerbibliothek Bern
(Mss.Muel.466) in Bern, Switzerland.)
(From Christoph von Graffenried's Account of the Founding of New Bern)
COPY OF THE ACCOUNT WRITTEN MR. EDWARD HYDE,
GOVERNOR IN NORTH CAROLINA, THE 23D OF OCTOBER, 1711, WITH REFERENCE TO MY
MIRACULOS DELIVERANCE FROM THE SAVAGES:
Honored Sir:
Through the wonderful and gracious providence of the Most High, I have at last
escaped out of the barbarous hands of the wild Tuscarora Nation, and have
arrived at my little dwelling at New Bern; but yet half dead, because for two
whole days I had to travel afoot, as fast as ever I could, out alone through the
forests which lie towards Catechna, compelled to take up my quarters by a
frightful wild ditch in which there was deep water, because the night overtook
me and I could not go farther from weariness. How I passed this night can well
be imagined, in no small fear of being caught by the savage or strange Indians,
and of being torn to pieces by a number of bears which growled the whole night
close about me. In addition I was very lame from walking, without a gun, yes, I
did not have a knife with me with which to strike a fire, and because the north
wind blew very hard it was a cold night. In the morning when I tried to arise my
limbs were so stiff and swollen by the cold and hard lying that I could not go a
step. But because it had to be I looked me up two sticks upon which I could
walk, but with great difficulty and pain. I had enough to do to get myself over
this water, which was full of snakes. I did it by climbing over on a long limb.
At last I reached home. When, I at a little distance from home, came within
sight of a dwelling, fortified and full of people, I was somewhat comforted,
because I thought that everything there had been burned out and destroyed by the
Indians, as well as the houses of the other colonists; yes, also that I should
find few of my people, because the terrible expedition of the savages was only
too well known to me, when they burned, murdered, and plundered whatever they
found along the rivers Pamtego, Neuse and Trent. When my good people got sight
of me, black and looking like an Indian, and yet looking like myself as far as
my size and blue coat were concerned, they did not know what to think. But
thinking, all of them, that I was dead, they were firm in the opinion that it
was, rather, an Indian spy who had put on my coat and wanted to spy out
something there; and so the men folks put themselves into an attitude of
defense. But when I came toward the house walking very lame on two sticks, they
saw by my countenance and posture that I was no Indian or savage. Yet they did
not recognize me till several came out in advance to look at me better. When I
saw that they were in anxiety I began to speak from a distance, with a very
broken voice, to be sure. This shocked them so that they retreated several
paces, crying to the rest to come forward, that it was their master, whom they
supposed murdered. So they all came running pell-mell, men, women, and children,
with loud exclamations, some weeping, some completely dumb with amazement,
saluting me as a marvelous spectacle. There was mourning, joy, and bewilderment
mixed, and this went to my heart, so that it forced out abundant tears.
After I had stayed some time with these people who surrounded me, although I was
very tired I finally went to my old quarters, closed my door, and made a hearty
prayer of thanksgiving to the good God for such a merciful and wonderful rescue,
which for these times, indeed, may pass for a miracle.
The next day I asked what had happened in my absence, but so many vexatious
things came out that it makes my heart heavy. The worst was that, besides sixty
or seventy Palatines who were murdered, the rest who could save themselves were
plundered, and the survivors of these Palatines had left my house, in which were
their own goods, and the little city. A certain William Brice, an unthankful man
to whom I had shown much kindness, yes, whom the money and goods belonging to
myself and the poor colonists had brought out of poverty, had drawn them away
from me with all sorts of promises and cunning and had brought them to himself
upon the Trent River, by means of whom, with some English Planters or
inhabitants in addition, he had succeeded in getting together a garrison to
defend his house. So I had to be satisfied with a number of women and children.
In armed soldiery there were no more than forty. These all I had to support for
twenty-two weeks. So all my grain, which luckily I had in store, my cattle great
and small, were all gone. If we do not soon receive the necessaries, we shall
have to starve to death or give up the post. Therefore, Honored sir, we urgently
beg you to send as soon as possible and in all haste the needed provisions,
military stores, and armed troops, in order that we may drive back these
barbarian murderers, otherwise the evil will become greater, and it is to be
feared that the whole land will be destroyed.
One cannot wonder enough, yes, it is provoking to see such coolness and so
little love among the inhabitants of Albemarle County that with folded arms they
can see how their nearest brothers are frightfully murdered by this barbarous
nation. Indeed, they themselves need not expect a better fate. They ought to be
ashamed of themselves and are worthy of a continuous rebuke. This is also no
less to be wondered at, a policy so bad and wrong orders of those in authority,
but I except your Excellency here in the best form, assured that you, Most
Honorable Sir, had given all necessary commands and made all needful
arrangements, but they were badly executed or not executed at all, which is a
thing to be mourned.
Honored Sir, the above only as a report how I came home. But to free and justify
myself it will be necessary for me to tell how I came into this barbarous
nation.
Because of the fine and apparently settled weather, the Surveyor-General Lawson
came to invite me to travel up the Neuse River, saying that there was a quantity
of good wild grapes, that we could enjoy ourselves a little with them. But that
was not enough to persuade me to go there. So the above mentioned Monsieur
Lawson came again soon, pled better reasons, namely that we could at the same
time see how far up the river was navigable; whether a shorter way might be made
to Virginia, in place of the ordinary way which is long and difficult, and in
like manner see what kind of land is up there. This, and how far it is to the
mountains, I had been for a long time desirous to know and to have seen for
myself. So at this I resolved upon a small journey and took everything that was
necessary, including provisions for fourteen days. I asked Mr. Lawson in
particular whether there was danger from the Indians, especially with those with
whom we were not acquainted. He gave me for an answer that this was of no
consequence, that he had already made the trip and it was entirely safe, that he
knew of no wild Indians on this arm of the river, but that they were tolerably
distant. But that we might go the more securely, I took besides two negroes to
row, two neighboring Indians whom we knew, to whom I had shown much kindness.
And since one understood the English language, I thought if we had these two
Indians with us we should have nothing to fear from the others. and so we
traveled right on up. It had not rained for a long time; the water was not deep;
the stream or current of the water was not strong. The whole day we were upon
the river; at night we spread our tent upon the land by the water and rested; in
the morning we proceeded again.
May it please the Governor to learn that the above mentioned Surveyor-General
Lawson urged me very much for my horses, pleading that he wanted to ride a
little into the forest when we were up above, in order to see where the way to
Virginia could be most conveniently commenced. At first I did not wish to agree
to it. But finally he begged for only one. This I granted him. The one Indian
rode by land, but at one place he had to go over the river, which was our
misfortune, for he went first to the Indians. I do not know whether he lost his
way or did it treacherously. He came to the great Indian village Catechna, where
he was immediately asked what the horse was doing, for the Indians use none. He
answered that he had to drive the horse for us, while we traveled up the river.
This immediately alarmed the Indians, especially the inhabitants of Catchena, so
that they ran together from the whole neighborhood. They kept the horse and said
to our Indian that he should go immediately to us and announce to us that they
would not allow us to go further up through their country. At the command of the
king who resides there we should come back, and so the signal that we should
stand still was given by a shot which our Indian fired. This we did after we
also had fired off our guns as a signal. It was already late when he came to us
with the bad news. We were landing at the first spring to take up our quarters
for the night. We met already two armed Indians there, who looked as though they
were coming from hunting. Upon this I said it did not please me, that we would
not remain there, but would go back. He, the Surveyor-General, laughed at me,
but before we turned around it became serious so that his laughter disappeared.
In a moment there came out of all the bushes and swimming through the river such
a number of Indians and overpowered us that it was impossible to defend
ourselves, unless we wanted to have ourselves wantonly shot dead or frightfully
tortured. We were forthwith taken prisoners, plundered, and led away.
By this time we had gone three good days journey up the river, not far from
another Indian village, called Zurutha.
The river is there still rather broad, but the water not more than two or three
feet deep, and it is still far from the mountains.
We asked that they should leave us there this night, with a guard if they
doubted us, giving as reason that I could not go so far afoot, that early in the
morning we would go by water to the king at Catechna, promising that we would be
there. But it was not to be done since I was such a rare and important capture;
for they took me for the Governor of the whole province. Their barbarous pride
swelled them up so that we were compelled to run with them the whole night,
through forests, bushes, and swamps, until the next morning about three o'clock
when we came to Catechna where the king, Hancock by name, was sitting in all his
glory upon a raised platform; although the Indians are accustomed at other times
to sit upon the ground. After a consultation and a sharp speech by the leader or
captain of our escort the king with his council left and came to us very
politely with his chief warrior. But he could not speak with us. After a short
time the king went into his cabin or hut; we remained by a fire guarded by seven
or eight savages. Toward ten o'clock there came a savage here, another there out
of his hut; council was held, and it was disputed vigorously whether we should
be bound as criminals or not. It was decided no, because we had not been heard
yet. Toward noon the king himself brought us some food in a lousy fur cap. This
was a kind of bread made of Indian corn, called dumplins,55 and cold boiled
venison. I ate of this, with repugnance indeed, because I was very hungry.
We had the liberty of walking about the village. Toward evening there was a
great festival or assembly of all the neighboring villages. This was appointed
for two reasons: first, they wanted to revenge themselves of the evil treatment
of certain bad and surly English Carolinians who were of Pamtego, Neuse, and
Trent Rivers; and second, to find out what help they might expect from their
neighboring Indians.
N. B. Hereby it is to be observed that neither we nor our colony were the cause
of this terrible slaughter and Indian war, as is to be seen and concluded from
several circumstances.
In the evening there came hither from all the villages a great number of Indians
with the neighboring kings, upon a fine, broad, open space, especially prepared
for the festivities or executions. And there was appointed an assembly of the
chiefs as they call them, consisting of the most prudent, sitting after their
fashion in a ring around a great fire. King Hancock presided. There was a place
left in the ring for us, where were two mats, that is to say pieces of
wickerwork woven of small canes or reeds, laid down to sit on, which is a sign
of great deference and honor. So we sat down, and our spokesman, the Indian that
had come with us, who could speak English well, sat at our left. The king gave a
sign to the orator of the assembly, who made a long speech with much gravity.
And it was ordered that one of the youngest of the assembly should represent and
defend the interests of the council or of the Indian nation. He, so far as I
could discern, did it in due form. He sat right next to our interpreter and
spokesman. The king always formed the question, and then it was debated pro et
contra. Immediately after that came a consultation and decision.
The first question was, what was the cause of our journey? Our answer was, that
we had come up there for our pleasure, to get grapes and at the same time to see
if the river were convenient so that we could bring goods to them by water; to
have good business and correspondence with them. So the king asked us why we had
not paid our respects to him and communicated our project to him. After this
there came into question a general complaint, that they, the Indians, had been
very badly treated and detained by the inhabitants of the Pamtego, Neuse, and
Trent Rivers, a thing which was not to be longer endured. And they named the
authors of it in particular, and among others, the Surveyor-General was accused.
He being present excused himself the best he could. After considerable disputing
and after a deliberation which followed, it was decided that we should be set
free, and the next day was appointed for our journey home.
The next day there was a considerable delay before we could get our canoe or
small boat. Meantime there came some of their chiefs and two kings who were
curious to know what grounds of justification we had. And so we were examined
again in King Hancock's hut two miles from the village, and gave the same
answer. Unfortunately the king of Cartuca was there, who reproached Lawson with
something, so that they got into a quarrel on both sides and became rather
angry. This spoiled everything for us.
However much I tried to keep Lawson from disputing, I could not succeed at all.
The examination finally ended, we all rose up, we two walked together and I
reproached him very strongly for his unguardedness in such a critical condition.
Immediately thereafter there came suddenly three or four of the chiefs very
angrily, seized us roughly by the arms, led us back and forcibly set us down in
the old place. There were no mats laid for us, they took our hats and wigs away
from us and threw them into the fire. After that some malicious young fellows
came and plundered us the second time, searching our pockets, which they had not
done before when they confined themselves to the larger things.
Hereupon a council of war was held and we were both condemned to death, without
knowing the cause of it. And so we remained the whole night, sitting in the same
position upon the ground till morning. At the break of day we were taken away
from there and again led to the great judgment and assembling place, a bad omen
for us, and I turned toward Mr. Lawson bitterly upbraiding him, saying that his
lack of foresight was the cause of our ruin; that it was all over with us; that
there was nothing better to do than to make peace with God and prepare ourselves
betimes for death; which I did with the greatest devotion.
When we arrived at the place mentioned, the great council was already together.
By chance I saw an Indian dressed like a Christian before we were called into
the ring. He could speak English. I asked him if he could not tell us what was
the cause of our condemnation. He answered me with a very disagreeable face, why
had Lawson quarreled with Core Tom and why had we threatened that we would get
revenge on the Indians? At that I took the Indian aside, promising everything I
could if he would listen to me and afterward tell of my innocence to some of the
chiefs. I had enough to do to persuade him to do it. Finally he paid attention
to me. And so I told him I was sorry that Monsieur Lawson was so imprudent as to
quarrel with Core Tom; that the councilors could themselves see very well that I
was not to blame for that; and about the threatening, there was not the least
thought of that, it was a misunderstanding or else Monsieur Lawson complaining
at my negroes for disturbing his rest the first night. At this I threatened the
negroes sharply because of their impudence, and this was all. After the Indian
had heard me he left me, I repeating my promises to him.
Whether he spoke very much in my favor I do not know, but a quarter of an hour
after the old chief came, led us out upon the place of judgment and bound us
there hand and foot, and the larger of my two negroes as well. And there began
our sad tragedy which I would like to relate with your leave, if it would not be
too long and sad. Yet since I have begun I will continue.
In the middle of this great space we sat bound side by side, sitting upon the
ground, the Surveyor-General and I, coats off and bare headed; behind me the
larger of my negroes; before us was a great fire and around about the fire the
conjurer, that is, an old gray Indian, a priest among them, who is commonly a
magician, yes, even conjures up the devil himself. He made two rings either of
meal or very white sand, I do not know which. Right before our feet lay a wolf
skin. A little farther in front stood an Indian in the most dignified and
terrible posture that can be imagined. He did not leave the place. Ax in hand,
he looked to be the executioner. Farther away, before us and beyond the fire,
was a numerous Indian rabble, young fellows, women, and children. These all
danced in the most abominable postures. In the middle was the priest or
conjurer, who, whenever there was a pause in the dance, made his conjurations
and threats. About the dance or ring at each of the four corners stood a sort of
officer with a gun. They beat time with their feet and urged on the other
dancers and when a dance was over shot off their guns. Besides this, in a corner
of the ring, were two Indians sitting on the ground, who beat upon a little drum
and sang, and sang so strangely to it, in such a melody, that it would provoke
anger and sadness rather than joy. Yes, the Indians themselves, when tired of
dancing, would all run suddenly away into a forest with frightful cries and
howling, but would soon come back out of the forest with faces striped black,
white, and red. Part of them, besides this, would have their hair hanging loose,
full of feathers, down, and some in the skins of all sorts of animals: In short
in such monsterous shapes that they looked more like a troop of devils than like
other creatures; if one represents the devil in the most terrible shape that can
be thought of, running and dancing out of the forest. They arranged themselves
in the old places and danced about the fire. Meanwhile there were two rows of
armed Indians behind us as a guard, who never left their post until all was
over: Back of this watch was the council of war sitting in a ring on the ground
very busy in consultation.
Toward evening when the sun went down, the rabble above mentioned left off
dancing and went into the woods to fetch wood to maintain the fires in different
places; but especially they made one at some distance in the forest which lasted
the whole night and was so great that I thought the whole forest was afire.
Let the Governor consider what a mournful and terrifying sight that was for me
to die, yet I had my mind made up for it. I was, thus, the whole day and night
in ardent devotion. Oh what thoughts I had! Everything that happened to me so
far back as I could remember occurred to me. I applied and made use of
everything that I had read from the scriptures and the Psalms and other good
books. In short, I prepared myself as well as I could for a good and blessed
end; yes, the merciful God gave me so much grace that fearlessly, calmly, I
waited what my end might be. After the anguish of soul I had endured, worse than
the fear of death, nevertheless there remained in me I hardly know what kind of
hope, despite the fact that I saw no sign of any rescue. Although, as I said
before, my sins hovered before me, still I afterwards found great consolation in
considering the miracles which the Lord Jesus did in His times on the earth.
This awakened such a confidence in me, that upon this I made my ardent prayer to
my Saviour, in the strong confidence that my prayer was heard, and that these
savage minds and stony barbarian hearts would perhaps turn, so that at my
pleading and explanation they would change their minds and be led and moved to
mercy; which also happened through God's wonderful providence. For as the sun
was going down the council assembled once more, without doubt, to make an end of
this fatal, terrible, and sad ceremony. I turned myself somewhat around,
although bound, knowing that one of them understood the English language rather
well, and made a short speech, telling my innocence, and how if they did not
spare me the great and mighty Queen of England would avenge my blood, because I
had brought the colony to this land at her command, not to do them any harm but
to live on good terms with them; and what else seemed to me good to say to
engage them to kindness; with the offer of my services and all sorts of favors
if I were liberated.
Now after I had finished talking, I noticed that one of the leading Indians, who
before this seemed entirely inclined to me, the one, indeed, who had once
brought me food, and who belonged to King Taylor, from whom I had purchased the
land where New Bern now stands, was amazed and spoke very earnestly; I had no
doubt in my favor; which turned out to be the case, for it was hereupon decided
to send some of their members immediately to the neighboring Tuscarora villages;
and with them the result was that I should have my life, but the poor Surveyor
General would be executed. I passed the night between life and death, bound all
the time in the same place, in continual prayer and sighs. I examined my poor
negro and spoke as well as I could to him, and he gave me more satisfaction than
I hoped. But Surveyor General Lawson, being a man of understanding though not of
good life, I allowed to do his own devotions. In the morning about three or four
o'clock the deputies came back from their mission bringing the decision
regarding their errand, but very secretly. One of them came after a while to
loose me from my bonds. Not knowing what that might mean, I submitted patiently
to the will of the Lord, the Most High, arose and followed. Oh how dumb-founded
I was, when, some paces from the old place, the Indian said to me in my ear, in
broken English, that I should not fear, they would not kill me, but they would
kill General Lawson. This went to my heart.
About twenty paces from the place where I was bound the Indian brought me to the
cabin or hut and gave me food to eat, but I had no appetite. Soon there came a
great number of the Indian rabble about me, who all evidenced great joy at my
deliverance. The very same man brought me again to the clear space, but a little
further in advance, where the whole council sat, and they congratulated me in
their way and smiled. Meantime I was forbidden to say the least thing to
Monsieur Lawson, not even to speak a single word to him.
They let my negro loose also, but I never saw him again. Poor Lawson
remaining in the same place could easily guess that it was all over and no mercy
for him. He took his leave of me striving to see me in his danger; and I, not
daring to speak with him or give him the least consolation, indicated my
sympathy by some signs which I gave him.
A little while after this, the man who had spoken for me in the council led me
to his hut, where I was to remain quietly until further orders, and in this
interval the unfortunate Lawson was executed; with what sort of death I really
do not know. To be sure I had heard before from several savages that the threat
had been made that he was to have his throat cut with a razor which was found in
his sack. The smaller negro, who was left alive, also testified to this; but
some say he was hanged; others that he was burned. The savages keep it very
secret how he was killed. May God have pity on his soul.
The day after the execution of Surveyor General Lawson the chief men of the
village came to me with the report that they had it in mind to make war on North
Carolina. Especially did they wish to surprise the people of Pamtego, Neuse, and
Trent Rivers, and Core Sound. So that for good reasons they could not let me go
until they were through with this expedition. What was I to do? I had to have
patience, for none of my reasons helped. A hard thing about it was that I had to
hear such sad news and yet could not help nor let these poor people know the
least thing of it. It is true, they promised that Caduca, which is the old name
of the little city of New Bern, should receive no harm; but the people of the
colony should come down into the little city, otherwise they could not promise
much for the damage. These were good words, but how was I to let the poor people
know? Since no savage would take the warning to them, I had to leave this also
to the Most High. There were about five hundred fighting men collected together,
partly Tuscaroras, although the principal villages of this nation were not
involved with them. The other Indians, the Marmuskits, those of Bay River,
Weetock, Pamtego, Neuse, and Core began this massacring and plundering at the
same time. Divided into small platoons these barbarians plundered and massacred
the poor people at Pamtego, Neuse, and Trent. A few days after, these murderers
came back loaded with their booty. Oh what a sad sight to see this and the poor
women and children captives. My heart almost broke. To be sure I could speak
with them, but very guardedly. The first came from Pamtego, the others from
Neuse and Trent. The very same Indian with whom I lodged brought a young boy
with him, one of my tenants, and many garments and house utensils that I
recognized. Oh how it went through my heart like a knife thrust, in the fear
that my colony was all gone, and especially when I asked the little fellow what
had happened and taken place. Weeping bitterly he told me that his father,
mother, brother, yes, the whole family had been massacred by the very same
Indian above mentioned. With all this I dared not act in any way as though I
felt it. For about six weeks I had to remain a prisoner in this disagreeable
place, Catechna, before I could go home. In what danger, terror, disgrace, and
vexation is easily to be thought.
All sorts of things happened in this time. Once I was in great perplexity. The
men folks were all on this massacring expedition, the women all somewhat distant
to get cherries, others to dig sweet potatoes, a species of yellow roots, very
good and pleasant. And so I found myself entirely alone that same day in the
village. A struggle arose in me whether I should get away from there and go home
or not. I studied long over it, considered it best to call upon my God for help
in this doubt, so that he would put it into my mind what I should do in such a
critical circumstance. After I had made my prayer, examined and treated the
matter pro et contra, I finally considered the better way would be to stay;
comforting myself with this that He who had saved me from the first extreme
peril would still help me further. Again, if any Indian met or saw me I should
be a dead man, for there would be no hope of mercy. In addition they would be so
embittered that before I could get home, since I did not know the way,
everything would be plundered, burned, and murdered. Experience proved
afterwards that I chose the better way.
After these heathens had made their barbarous expedition they came home and
rested for a time. Then I watched the opportunity and when I found the chiefs of
the village in good humor I asked whether I might not soon go home. To bring
them to a favorable disposition I proposed to make a separate peace with them,
promised at the same time each chief of the ten villages a cloth coat, something
in addition for my ransom; to the king, two flasks of powder, five hundred
bullets, two bottles of rum, a brandy made of sugar. But the Indians wanted to
have much more, such as guns, more powder, and lead or bullets; but I told them
this was contraband, that is, ware which was forbidden to offer for sale under
penalty of hanging; that I would, at least, have to be neutral and help neither
one side nor the other: Otherwise there would nothing come of our peace. They
accepted these and other reasons, and so we made an agreement as your Highness
will see in the enclosed articles of the treaty.
But although we made our treaty, still these suspicious fellows did not want to
let me go without more secure and certain guarantee.
They wanted that I should send my smaller negro to New Bern, so that everything
that I had promised should be brought up to Catechna; but yet not a savage would
go with him although I wanted to give him a passport or safe conduct. I told him
that none of my people who survived would come back with him, because they were
so frightened at the robberies and murders, and my negro could not come alone
against the current with a loaded boat. Since we could not come to an agreement,
I referred it to the Indian with whom I lodged, who gave a sensible decision
about our strife so that we were satisfied on both sides.
On the very day that I wanted to send the negro to New Bern with a letter to the
man who had charge of my house that he should send the above mentioned goods
half way, for the security of both sides, strange Indians came on horseback from
the Governor of Virginia with a letter as enclosed copy will show. Nobody
besides myself could read the letter. The letter was very sharp. I did not know
what it contained. Finally I thought the messenger might know the contents of
it, so I read the letter to the chiefs of the villages. When I had finished
reading the letter I observed something in their faces which showed that it was
not acceptable to them, that on receipt of the letter they should send me
immediately to my home, failing which, if the least injury came to me, he, the
Governor, was prepared to avenge me, yes, to exterminate every one and spare
neither women or children. Upon this they had a council, and it was decided to
let me go to the village among the Tuscaroras where the Indian trader from
Virginia was, who before, at the very time that Monsieur Lawson was executed,
was staying in the same village; and on his, the Governor's return, had told him
our sad adventure. Upon which this generous Governor Spotswood had immediately
sent this Virginia trader, who dealt with the Indians and understood and spoke
their language very well, with the above letter to the Tuscaroras. But he, the
Governor, was waiting in the first Indian village called Natoway, with a strong
escort, with orders to the neighboring militia to hold itself in readiness to
act at once if the desired word did not come.
So the next morning early, I set out on horseback with the Indian messengers;
and many of the chief Indians of Catechna came with me towards the principal
village called Tasky. They marched as swiftly as I on horseback, and in the
evening between day and night, we arrived at the place where the Virginia
merchant was also staying. This village was fortified with palisades, and the
houses or cabins were very artfully made of withes, mere pieces of bark, placed
around in a circle or ring, so that a great fire was placed in the center. The
council which consisted of the chiefs of the Tuscarora Nation was sitting around
on the ground. There was a place left for me and a place for the Indian trader
above and the Indians who came with me. After I had greeted this gentleman we
sat down. In all this I had a secret joy, having the hope of going to Natoway to
the Governor of Virginia, who was waiting for me; and so at length of being free
from this savage captivity. But unfortunately it did not succeed. The orator of
the assembly began a long speech and asked the four Indians who came with me
what was the cause of my detention and my crime. After a hearing I was found and
declared innocent, and it was decided to comply with the desires of the Governor
of Virginia, when it was represented to them what danger would arise from a
refusal.
The Virginia trader, as interpreter, spoke what he could in my favor; the four
Indians of Catechna would not agree to that for fear that the ransom would not
follow although the Virginia trader promised them surety for it; they pretending
that they dare not do it without the consent of the other kings and chiefs, yet
promising to let me loose as soon as the king and council should be together;
but they wanted to keep my negro as security until the ransom should be paid.
The next day my hopes were entirely frustrated. I took my leave of the Virginia
trader, who was much vexed at the unfriendly manner of these savages. So I
marched back again very sadly. When we had gone three or four miles and were
near Hancock Town or Catechna, we heard a great outcry and yelling around in
that direction, and here some and yonder other savages came out of the bushes.
This inspired fear in me, and not without cause; especially when they came right
up to me, all out of breath and frightened, saying that the English and the
Palatines were close by. In particular they signified the Palatines with a
disagreeable expression, mocking the Palatines by the repetition of ja, ja, to
signify that even some of my own people were seen there. In order to have me
take a roundabout way they made me go through a desolate ravine. When from a
distance I saw a fire time began to hang heavy on my hands, fearing they wished
to murder me in secret. I studied how to persuade them that the Palatines had
not joined with the English at all; that these words ja, ja, were not German but
a rough English word, aye, aye, which is otherwise a good English word meaning
yes, that is, ja. I kept them in this opinion as well as I could. When we came
to the place where the fire was I saw with perturbation the whole rabble of
Catechna where I was captured, together with their household goods and a little
food, in a fine corn field where every Indian had placed his own family in the
midst of a swamp, that is, in a wild place, a portion of forest in the morass,
and water on one side and the other it is next to the river.
All, that is to say, the old decrepit, men, women, children, and young men
under age were there, very much frightened. In order to make myself acceptable
to them, and for my part to keep them in security, I did not fail to give them
every comfort; assuring them, that as long as I was with them, nothing evil
would happen to them. I represented to the warriors who came to encourage the
throng, that they ought to have let me go before, and with their warrors; that I
would treat with the English and persuade them to peace. They would not let me
go however.
The day following, all the Indians round about to the number of three hundred
brave fellows came together, joined themselves together with the others, and
went to look for the Christians who were no more than sixty in number, and who
were only four miles, that is, about three quarters of an hour distant from our
village. But the Palatines who did not know how to fight with the Indians any
other way than merely to show themselves, were mostly wounded and one Englishman
was shot to death. Since they were overpowered by the Indians they turned their
backs and hurried home. The Indians pursued them but did no great damage except
for what they got in the way of booty. So the savages came back two days
afterwards to Catechna with horses, food, hats, boots, also some coats. When I
saw all this, especially a neat pair of boots with silver trimmings belonging to
me, I was much dismayed and greatly feared that they had plundered my house and
store, but there was no damage done. Why my things were among them is this. My
people used the things of which they had need for this expedition.
So these wild warriors or murderers who were in great glory came in triumph
home; and we also went out of our place of concealment in the evening, and
traveled the whole night through, back again to our old quarters in Catechna.
They made great fires of rejoicing, especially in the place of execution, on
which occasion they hung up three wolf hides, representing as many protectors or
gods. At the same time the women made offering of their ornaments, such as
necklaces of wampum, which is a kind of coral of calcined mussels, white, brown,
and gold colored.
In the midst of the ring was a conjurer acting as their priest, who made all
sorts of strange motions and adjurations; and the rest danced in a ring about
the fire and the above mentioned skins.
After the Indian celebration was over I began to become impatient, asked certain
of the chiefs whether now they would not let me go home, because they were
victorious and possibly all of my people had been slain. One of the troop
answered laughing, that they would see what to do, and he called the king and
his council.
Two days after, early in the morning, they brought me a horse. Two of the chiefs
accompanied me, armed, but afoot, until about two hours distant from Catechna.
There they gave me a piece of Indian bread and left me. Because I saw a long way
before me I begged them to leave me the horse, saying that I would send it back
without fail, or they should go somewhat nearer to my quarters with me. But I
could not prevail upon them. They remained at the palce where I left them and
made a big fire, to signify to me that there were strange Indians in the woods,
and I should hasten and walk swiftly; yes, for two hours run as fast as ever I
could, which I also did, until night overtook me and I came to my frightful,
desolate ravine, over which I could not go in the dark on account of deep water;
but on the contrary I had to stay over night there until morning. The rest of
the journey I have already told to the Governor.
Some notes of what I observed among the Indians and during my Tuscarora
captivity, merely as they come to my mind, without especial arrangement; which
are to be found designated with a, b, c.
Certain jealous and indiscreet inhabitants of Carolina have asserted that I or
my colony was the cause of this Indian war and massacre. To my justification I
could, indeed, present many reasons; but for this reason will not trouble myself
much, because my innocence is sufficiently known; yet I cannot refrain from
adducing here the following proofs:
(1) If I were the cause why did not the Indians execute me as well as Lawson?
(2) I paid for the land or piece of ground which the savages called Cartouca,
three times. To the Lords Proprietors, to the Surveyor-General, and to the
Indian King Taylor. This Indian King lived with his people in that place where
my house now stands and the little city of New Bern was begun; with which
Indians, I and my people lived on friendly terms. For the rest of the land I had
also paid whatever was demanded of me.
(3) There was no complaint against me or the colony; witness which the great
assembly of the Tuscaroras where this had come into question in the presence of
the Virginia trader, and there the authors of these troubles were indicated by
name. But out of Christian love I will not name them. Both the Governor of
Virginia and of Carolina are herewith informed of it.
I have seen many notable assemblies, have myself been present at some; but I
have wondered at the gravity and good order of these heathen, their silence,
obedience, respect towards those in authority; no contradiction except by turn,
and that only once and with great decency. One could not in the least observe
any passion, and there was time enough given for reply. In fine everything was
done with a propriety which would bring conviction and put many Christian
magistrates to shame. The trial was conducted also in as orderly a manner as
could ever be with Christian judges, and I have heard such sensible reasons
given by these savages and heathens that I was amazed.
There were seven villages of the Tuscarora Nation, which very much wanted to
pretend that they had nothing to do with this Indian war and massacre, and for
this reason had no understanding with the other Indians. These were somewhat
farther distant, more beyond Virginia, and are loyal yet, keeping their loyalty
on the account of trade. These seven towns or villages hold the others in this
region in certain bounds and submission. This Tom Blount is a king or leader of
a considerable number of wild Indians, has very good understanding, is very well
inclined towards the English nation, and contributed not a little to a good
peace; yes, when it was argued with regard to me, spoke as best he could for my
rescue.
I can here also not forget the generosity and sympathy of a good widow, who,
immediately at my arrival and during my captivity, always brought me food, so
that there was never any lack of food with me. But the most remarkable thing
was, as soon as she had seen that when I was bound young fellows plundered me
(among other things, my silver rings were taken from my shoes and these were
held on by a small cord only), she took some of her pretty brass buckles through
which she had drawn her hair bands on her forehead and fastened them upon my
shoes, and had no rest until she discovered what Indian had taken my buckles,
and had traded with him and gotten them. She came running back full of joy and
put the silver buckles on my shoes. This was indeed a great kindness from a
savage, enough to bring conviction to many Christians. I must say here to the
shame of Christians, that all in all, the Indians are much more generous. I have
observed many good things from them, such as--they do not swear, keep their word
exactly whatever they promise, do not quickly quarrel in their games, are not so
avaricious, there is not so much haughtiness; among their young people also, I
have not noticed anything improper; Altho they are almost naked they act more
decently than many Christians. The bad thing about them is that their rage is
furious.
It is here to be observed that when these barbarous murderers come home, their
wives know before hand through messengers. They prepare themselves for a feast
in the night. Each household prepares the best food, after their fashion, brings
the same out upon the great execution place where they also hold their dances.
Each family makes a small scaffold, before which is a fire. These scaffolds are
round-about, and in the middle of the great space is a big fire, beside which
the priest stands. The women took off all their ornaments, which consisted of
pendents of wampum and glass corals; then they took white wands or rather thick
whips as an offering into the midst of the ring where there were also stuck up
three deer skins as a sort of an idol which they honored. The Queen, or in her
absence, the first after her, began; the rest, the one after the other, followed
singing. When the ring was full they danced about the fire and the three hides
till they were tired, and then each went to her place or scaffold to eat with
her husband. When they were through they took white wands with black rings about
them and went through the same ceremony as before; took the first little sticks
or whips adorned with the corals, stuck the ringed ones in their place, and so
turned again to their places. In the meantime the priest did his office, cursing
the enemy in the most horrible motions, on the other hand exalting his warriors
and urging them on to further bravery. After this the young people took the
green limbs covered with foliage, colored their faces with black, white, and
red; let their hair hang loose covered with goose down, so that they looked
terrible, more like devils than men, and ran to the great open space with a
terrible outcry, and danced as described above.
Here is to be observed, that when the above mentioned savage warriors or rather
murderers came in with their booty and prisoners, the priest and the leading
women seized the poor prisoners, compelled them to go into the dance, and if
they did not wish to dance they caught them under the arms and dragged them up
and down, as a sign that these Christians were now dancing to their music and
were subject to them.
And so these heathenish ceremonies may be considered a sort of sacred litany or
divine worship. In the morning I observed at times that they sang a serious
little song instead of a prayer; and when they are in great danger, the same.
At New Bern where I settled and started the little city, I observed another
custom among the Indians who lived there before, which was somewhat nearer the
Christian worship. There they had constructed a sort of altar, very cleverly and
artistically, out of woven twigs and having an arched dome. In one place there
was an opening as though made for a little door, through which they laid the
offering inside. In the middle of this heathen chapel were little holes in which
they hung corals and also offered wampum. Towards sunrise there was set up a
wooden image tolerably well carved, the figure as herewith sketched, half red,
half white, before which was stuck up a long staff upon which was a crown. The
staff had rings around it, red and white. Toward the north or rather towards the
west, there was placed opposite to it another image with an ugly face, colored
black and red. They represented thus by the first image a good divinity, and by
the other the devil, with whom they are better acquainted.
I cannot omit to tell here what happened to one of my tenants, a sturdy, droll
man. When he was coming past, observing these two images, he immediately made a
distinction between the one which represented the good God and the other which
represented the bad; and because this one was colored with black and red, which
were the very colors of the Canton of Bern, he was so embittered at it that he
cut the ugly image in two with his ax. Then when he came home again he boasted
of it as a brave deed, as though he had split the devil in two at one blow. This
in the beginning provoked a small laughter; but yet I did not approve of the
deed. Soon after there came an Indian king very angry, taking this for a
sacrilege and a great affront, and complaining bitterly. I treated it indeed as
a joke, saying that only a bad idol was injured and destroyed, that it was of no
great harm, but if it had been the good one, I would inflict severe punishment;
but I would thenceforth take such measures that such vexations should not happen
to them any more. Although the Indian king saw that I made a joke of the matter
it did not please him, but he became serious. So I gave evidence to him in
earnest that this man's action also did not please me entirely; and if he could
point out the man who did it, he should be punished for it. I gave the king and
those who were with him rum to drink, which is a kind of brandy made of
distilled sugar waste, in those parts very common and healthful if one drinks it
with moderation. In addition I was very friendly with them, so that they went
from me well contented and satisfied.
In their burials they make more ceremony than in their weddings or marriages.
And I have observed something strange at the burial of a deceased widow. I will
not expand much on it here because there are many printed accounts of the life
and customs of the Indians; only in passing, what I found most strange.
And principally; when an Indian is sick or dying their priests come into the
house, go all through all sorts of figures and antics, make all sorts of
conjurations and give to the sick also all sorts of medicines. If that does not
help they blow their breath into the mouth of the sick with a frightful roaring,
and I do not know what all conjurations. If the sick one arises there is an
indescribable rejoicing, but if he dies a sad howling, enough to frighten one.
They make their graves with great care, and arch them over with bark. When
the deceased is carried to the grave two priests stand there and lament and make
a funeral sermon after their fashion. If there is anything to be gained thy
extol the deeds of the departed or comfort his relatives and make, I do not know
what all strange conjurations. In short there is much action and chattering so
that I have seen the priest or conjurer all in a sweat, but this happens if a
good present is to be expected. When this is all over the heirs give to the
priest pendants of wampum or made of calcined mussels. These are little things
like corals, as has been mentioned above, white, purple, yellow; and this is
their pay. N. B. The Indians are accustomed to make out of these things trousers
and necklaces, and they know how to knit and to weave them so skillfully and
ingeniously through one another, with all sorts of figures, that it is to be
wondered at.
When it was done and the grave covered over, in my time something marvellous
took place which I myself saw. A pretty fire or flame of about two candle light
size went straight up into the air, as high probably, as the longest and tallest
tree, traveled again in a straight line over the hut of the deceased and so
farther over a great heath, probably half an hour long until it disappeared in a
forest.
When I saw this and evidenced my astonishment, the savages laughed at me, as
though I ought to know that this was nothing new to them, but did not want to
say what it was. After this I ask several about it. No one could say positively,
but they set much store by it and it is considered an especially good sign for
the deceased. An artificial fire it cannot be because of the duration and great
distance it traveled. Physically it might be considered a sulphurous vapor out
of the earth; but this long regularity is too much for me.
Once when I was at Governor Hyde's in the presence of the council and many
others while we were busied with the Indians about the peace, I took notice of
an old Indian who looked to me like a conjurer or priest. So I asked him what
that was which I have just related to have seen. Among twenty-five Indians that
were there only this old one besides one other could give me an account of it.
But it seemed to me like a fable.
They said that only great men, old experienced priests, could see and do such
things. When I questioned them further, they gave me for an answer that this
little fire is the soul of the departed, which goes into another good creature,
if the person has lived well and behaved himself; if he has not behaved well it
goes into a villainous smoke and into an ugly and miserable creature. The
priests come to their art in the following manner; namely, it happens that a
subtile little fire or flame shoots from one tree into another, but very seldom;
and when an Indian sees that he must run as fast as possible to catch it, and if
he catches it, it goes right on and becomes a small wood spider which jumps and
runs so quickly in and over his hand that it has to be seized quickly by the
other hand. But if he finally catches it, this spider grows and becomes like a
mouse; and so who ever catches this wonderful thing afterwards becomes the best
conjurer or magician and can do all sorts of wonders. N. B. These artists or
conjurers as they are called in English, have the faculty of invoking the devil
and sending him away again.
A ship captain has asserted to me that he once carried several Indians in his
boat or small ship and in the Carolina Sound there came such a calm that they
could get nowhere. One among the Indians said that probably he could procure a
good wind, and was willing to do it. The steersman who did not have much
provisions with him and wished very much to advance farther, left it to the
Indian. Soon after this there came such a strong wind that he became frightened
and would gladly have had less wind, but he had to go through with it, and so
they came in a very short time to the desired place. But the above mentioned
captain assured me that he received such a great fright on this account that as
long as he lived he would no more use such help.
Whoever will may believe this and the above. It is certain that Satan practices
many delusions with these poor creatures; yet if such things seem incredible, I
would not have made bold to tell such fabulous things here if it had not gone
about and been talked of in such eminent company.
I have heard and observed many more such things among the Indians. But because
so many authors have written about them that my remarks would only pass for
repetition I will not relate more, except to say concerning the cruel and
barbarous manner of the Indians, that they are indeed furious when one angers
them; but if one leaves them in peace, does them no harm, and treats them
according to their ways in a friendly and goodhearted manner, they will seldom
injure a Christian, except if given cause for it. They have occasionally been
treated cruelly and badly by the Christians. I have spoken to many of the
Indians about their cruelty, but a sensible king answered me and gave a nice
example of a snake. If one leaves it in its coil untouched, quiet, and
uninjured, it will do no creature harm; but if one disturbs and wounds it, it
will bite and wound. And the Spaniards had used their forefathers too cruelly,
yes, very inhumanly. Concerning their, the Indians' massacres and fighting
treacherously: They had to use their advantage or else they could not hold their
own; they were not so strong in numbers, and were not provided with pieces,
muskets, swords, and all sorts of other treacherous inventions made with powder
to destroy men; likewise they had neither powder nor lead or else they got them
from the Christians themselves; so that our ways were much more treacherous,
false, and harmful; otherwise, we would not use them so cruelly. Moreover we
practiced among ourselves the greatest tyranny and cruelty. Indeed I have
experienced this myself.
TREATY.
Which was made with the Indians and translated from the English.
It is hereby made known to all and sundry that in October 1711, it was agreed as
follows between Baron, Count von Graffenried, Governor of the German Colony in
North Carolina, and the Indians of the Tuscarora Nation with their neighbors of
Core, Wilkinsons Point, King Taylor, those of Pamtego, and others of the region.
- That both parties shall forget the past and henceforth be good friends.
- The subscribed Governor of the German colonies, in times when the
English and the Indians are in strife, enmity, and war against each other,
shall be entirely neutral; in like manner he shall remain quietly in his
house and city, allowing neither English nor Indians to pass there, nor do
any Indian injury. They promise the same toward our people. In case strife
occurs between the parties named, they shall not get justice for themselves,
but shall make their accusation at the proper place; namely with the
authorities of both sides.
- The above named Governor of the German colony promises to stay within
his boundaries and to take no more territory, up toward them, without the
consent of the king and nation.
- He promises further, to procure a truce of arms for four days, in order
that within this time able persons may be chosen and commissioned to propose
salutary plans of peace, which, as far as possible, would have to be
acceptable and pleasing to the parties in strife.
- It shall be allowed to the Indians to hunt where they wish without any
hinderance, except in case they come so close to our plantation that the
cattle would be driven away or injured or danger of fire might be feared.
- To them, the Indians, wares and provisions shall be allowed to come at a
reasonable and cheap price. Further it is agreed, that where the marks
written below shall be on the doors of our houses, hat there no injury or
damage shall be done. So shall, herewith, the conditions and clauses be
exactly observed. As a genuine voucher of which we on both sides, subscribe
ourselves and there is affixed the ordinary signs.
The sign of Neuse, N. Graffenried, Governor of the German Colony.
Tuscaroras' Sign, Tuscarora Indians and Neighbors.
Mandate of the Governor of Virginia, translated out of the English original.
Alexander Spotswood, Governor, Regent, and Commandant of the Colonies and
Provinces of Virginia, in the name of Her Royal Majesty of Great Britain, to
the Indian Nation which holds Baron von Graffenried prisoner.
Having heard that Baron Von Graffenried, Governor, and the head of the
German Colony in North Carolina is captive among you, I request and command
you, in the name of the Queen of Great Britain of whom he is a subject, that
on receipt of this you let him go free and send him to our government.
And here you are given to know that if you should have it in mind to kill or
willfully inflict any injury upon him, I will revenge his blood, and will
spare neither men, women, nor children.
Given under my great seal, the 7th of October, 1711.
A. Spotswood. < L. S. >
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